Who Earns the Food Dollar?

Part 2 on the Farmers’ Share of the Food Dollar (see Part 1 here).

The ag value chain involves a wide array of participants to get food products from ground to grocery store–or increasingly, from research to restaurant. Every dollar spent on food has to be divided between all the different players. As the number of participants grows, and as more value is added at different stages of the value chain, the percentage of food dollar going to any one group is likely to decline.

This is why the farmers’ share of the food dollar has been on the decline for, well, pretty much the past century at least.

Sen. Elizabeth Warren and, more recently, Sen. Bernie Sanders have proposed aggressive antitrust enforcement of “Big Ag” companies—whether farm input companies like Bayer or early-stage processors like JBS or Tyson in the meat industry. The Senators claim that cracking down on these big companies will be beneficial for farmers and increasing farmers’ share of the food dollar. In my previous post, I explained why those arguments are wrong. In fact, those arguments are not even consistent with the data being used to justify the claims.

To really understand why farmers’ share of the food dollar has declined, one has to understand how—and where—value is created in the value chain. More specifically, one has to understand how value is added to the agricultural products that farmers produce. And how existing farm sector institutions work to make farmers’ share lower than it might otherwise be.

A recent (March 2019) McKinsey & Co. article titled “A Winning Growth Formula for Dairy” illustrates this value creation story. The article describes the challenge facing dairy company executives globally, and particularly in the U.S. Dairy farmers have been struggling with low raw milk prices resulting from continued over-production of milk relative to demand for dairy products. You would think large dairy companies would be bathing in profits with the cost of their primary input depressed—even below the cost of production, according to some farmer groups. And yet, return on invested capital in the dairy industry (ROIC; i.e., the economic value generated by their businesses) has been declining because growth in revenue and margins has not kept pace with an increasing cost of capital. The reason? Consumption of milk and dairy products in the U.S. has been on a long-term decline.

The authors go on to explain that dairy executives are faced with the challenge of how to create new value opportunities in the face of more milk being produced than there are uses for currently. New product development. New market development. These are expensive investments with uncertain outcomes. But that is where the value is being created for raw milk—not at the farm gate. In fact, one might argue that the value being created by dairy processors is in spite of having to overcome the value decreasing activities of dairy farms that, collectively, are overproducing.

This problem is not unique to the dairy industry. Whether corn, meat proteins, wheat, or any number of other agricultural commodities, agricultural producers are increasingly reliant on processors and refiners to transform producers’ crops into products consumers are willing (or required) to buy, and in a form consumers desire. It is not at all surprising, therefore, that more and more of the food dollar is being captured by firms beyond the farm gate. That’s where value is being added. That’s where more of the food dollar is being earned.

Why Sen. Warren is Wrong on Trust-busting Big Ag

Several Democratic presidential candidates courted rural voters in Iowa at last weekend’s Heartland Forum. Both Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) and Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) decried the plight of farmers, with Warren promising trust-busting policies to break up Big Ag. But Warren’s call for aggressive antitrust is more populist politics than sound economic policy.

Warren claimed that, “A generation ago, 37 cents out of every food dollar went into a farmer’s pocket. Today, it’s 15 cents. And one of the principal reasons for that has been concentration in agribusiness. You’ve got these giant corporations that are making bigger and bigger profits for themselves, for their executives and for their investors, but they’re putting the squeeze on family farms.” But there are several problems with that argument.

First, the farmer’s share of the food dollar is a pretty worthless measure of how well-off farmers are in the food economy. From an economic perspective, it is completely meaningless. In response to the perennial reactions by farmers’ lobbies to the USDA’s “Farm Dollar” report in 2018, Jayson Lusk provided a nice example of how focusing on farmers’ share of the food dollar actually can lead to very poor conclusions. Even more to the point, Gary Brester, John Marsh and Joseph Atwood demonstrate what agricultural economists have long understood:

“[S]ome have argued that decreases in FS (farmer share) statistics…are indicators of anti-competitive behavior in the food processing industry. Agricultural economists have long noted that such relationships cannot be justified on theoretical grounds. … We have empirically demonstrated that FS statistics and, by construction, farm-to-retail marketing margins, are not reliable measures of changes in producer surplus (welfare)… Consequently, these data should not be used for policy purposes.”

Brester, et al., “Evaluating the Farmer’s-Share-of-the-Retail-Dollar Statistic,” 34 Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics 213 (2009)

Second, even if one could make any reasonable inferences from the farmers’ share numbers, they do not support the story Warren is trying to sell. While farmers’ share of the food dollar has declined over the past 24 years, the decline is not near as big as Warren suggests: from 16% to 12% of the real (2009) dollar value of domestic food sales, as shown in the nearby Table 1. But a closer look at the numbers reveals what is driving the overall decline: when people eat away from home, the share of the dollar that goes to the farmer is much smaller, because more of the dollar is going to the people that add additional value by processing and preparing the food away from home. And eating away from home has become more and more prevalent.

Table 1: Farmer Share of Total Domestic Food Dollar, 1993-2016

Truth be told, the microcosm of food eaten at home or away from home illustrates the larger issue: as consumers choose foods that have been further processed and prepared, more of the dollar goes to the people that add the additional value in the form of preparedness, packaging, convenience, etc., that consumers value. That’s why, over the last century, the farmers’ share of the food dollar has dropped from near 50% to only 12%.

But what about the big bad ag companies that Warren blames for this problem? Doesn’t the consolidation of Big Ag share some of the blame? Warren blames mergers of companies like Bayer-Monsanto on the farm inputs side or large multinationals like JBS on the farm output side for squeezing farmers’ share of the food dollar. What about them?

As it turns out, firms in the farm inputs industry (like Bayer or Corteva (the offspring of Dow-Dupont)) and firms in the food processing industry (like JBS or Tyson) also have seen their share of the food dollar decline, as shown in the nearby Table 2. For farm inputs, the share has dropped over 40%, even more than the farmers’ share; and food processing companies’ share has dropped over 20%, almost as much as farm shares. Not even the banking industry, another of Warren’s favorite regulatory targets, has seen an increase in its share of the food dollar. In fact, the only food industry segments experiencing any appreciable increase in food dollar share are retail sales and food service–again, where more of value-adding convenience and food preparation are being contributed.

Table 2. Share of Domestic Food Dollar by Industry Segment, 1993-2016

Antitrust is currently seeing a lot of renewed interest in political circles because big, bad corporations make easy populist political targets. And it may be true that increased concentration in some industries could stand more antitrust scrutiny, possibly even in agriculture. But broad antitrust enforcement is a very blunt, and potentially dangerous, policy tool that shouldn’t be invoked carelessly. Nor with as little understanding of an industry as Sen. Warren appears to have of the food system.

 

More Evidence Against the Common Ownership Problem

“The U.S. stock market is having another solid year. You wouldn’t know it by looking at the shares of companies that manage money.”

That’s the lead from Charles Stein on Bloomberg’s Markets’ page today. Stein goes on to offer three possible explanations: 1) a weary bull market, 2) a move toward more active stock-picking by individual investors, and 3) increasing pressure on fees.

So what has any of that to do with the common ownership issue? A few things.

First, it shows that large institutional investors must not be very good at harvesting the benefits of the non-competitive behavior they encourage among the firms the invest in–if you believe they actually do that in the first place. In other words, if you believe common ownership is a problem because CEOs are enriching institutional investors by softening competition, you must admit they’re doing a pretty lousy job of capturing that value.

Second, and more importantly–as well as more relevant–the pressure on fees has led money managers to emphasis low-cost passive index funds. Indeed, among the firms doing well according to the article is BlackRock, “whose iShares exchange-traded fund business tracks indexes, won $20 billion.” In an aggressive move, Fidelity has introduced a total of four zero-fee index funds as a way to draw fee-conscious investors. These index tracking funds are exactly the type of inter-industry diversified funds that negate any incentive for competition softening in any one industry.

Finally, this also illustrates the cost to the investing public of the limits on common ownership proposed by the likes of Einer Elhague, Eric Posner, and Glen Weyl. Were these types of proposals in place, investment managers could not offer diversified index funds that include more than one firm’s stock from any industry with even a moderate level of market concentration. Given competitive forces are pushing investment companies to increase the offerings of such low-cost index funds, any regulatory proposal that precludes those possibilities is sure to harm the investing public.

Just one more piece of real evidence that common ownership is not only not a problem, but that the proposed “fixes” are.

Calm Down about Common Ownership

Calm Down about Common Ownership” is the title of an article Thom Lambert and I published in the latest (Fall 2018) issue of Regulation. The article is a condensed version of our full paper, “The Case for Doing Nothing About Common Ownership of Small Stakes in Competing Firms,” which I posted about in May.

While I’ve not been posting here much in the past few months, Thom and I have written a series of blog posts at Truth On The Market about the perceived problem of common ownership (specifically by institutional investors) across competing firms, and the problems both with the alleged antitrust harms and the proposed “fixes”. Those posts both summarize and expand upon some of the arguments and issues in our paper. To make it easier to find them, I’ve listed them below in chronological–and logical–order:

This issue of common ownership and whether antitrust authorities should deal with it is currently a fairly hot topic. In fact, today the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) is opening up its Hearings on Competition and Consumer Protection in the 21st Century. which include the topic of common ownership. Thom and I submitted comments in advance of the hearing based on our paper. Next week I’ll attend a debate forum on the issue with other scholars (including some aggressive pro-enforcement folks we take to task in our paper), regulators, and members of the investment community. It should be an interesting time.

Isn’t there a Chinese curse about that?